Obama comes at a time when the relationship, as India’s envoy to the US put it, has moved from the “romantic” to the “realistic” stage. Bilateral ties, as realists in South Block are aware, is at its lowest point since the 1998 nuclear test. That this situation was unintended raises hope of the Obama visit turning things around for the better.

US attempts to prise open the Indian market through any and all means, including trade sanctions if required, in favour of Big Pharma and insurance majors is at the root of tensions, exacerbated by dubious actions against Indian pharmaceutical companies and airlines. The Devyani episode and violation of Indian laws, including by the US Embassy Club and American School, only served to further vitiate the atmosphere.

Although both countries have put behind the episodic friction, issues relating to trade, WTO, climate change, visas, India’s nuclear liability Act etc remain unresolved. As if the thorny paths to addressing these are not difficult enough, the US continues to pamper Pakistan with funds and weapons much to India’s detriment.

Just when New Delhi was projecting Obama’s visit as a signal of US backing India in the region, Washington is giving $1 billion to Pakistan in 2015 on the condition that it fights “bad terrorists” – i.e. those who attack Pakistan. The aid does not require Islamabad to act against terrorist outfits such as Jamaat-ud-Dawa and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi which target India with Pakistani patronage. Such “oversight” in legislation authorising $1 billion to Pakistan is cited as another instance of US “insensitivity” to India’s concerns.

Bilateral issues apart, there are the common global challenges. In 2015, there may be cataclysmic changes brought about by the US-Iran détente, end of the embargo against Cuba and a new international resolve to force Israel out from occupied Palestinian lands within three years.

While the US and the West would determine the outcomes in these cases, Iran's emerging role especially in the Middle East, Afghanistan and Iraq has implications for India. Besides, the core values of India’s foreign policy would be on test when it comes to Palestine and Cuba. Historically, India has supported the cause of the Palestine people. Of late, with New Delhi bending to please Israel, there has been a dilution of commitment to the cause of Palestine. Bowing to Israeli pressure did not begin with Modi sarkar. However, under Modi, the initial hesitation to speak up for Palestine’s case has fallen into a pattern where support for Palestine is premised on “strong relations with Israel”.

In the case of Cuba, though New Delhi and Havana enjoy good relations, the US embargo made most countries with the exception of Russia, China and some others like Venezuela keep a “discreet distance” from Cuba. India, too, was “cautious” although it has much to gain by strengthening ties with Cuba, especially through cooperation in healthcare. Cuba is a medical superpower which has proved immensely valuable to developing countries, where its health system has been hailed as a life-saver.

If the vision of universal healthcare in India is to be realised, then a good partner for the mission would be – not US insurance companies – but Cuba. Even today, despite the US embargo and resource crunch, it is Cuba -- not the US, UK, China, Red Cross or Doctors Without Borders -- that is in the frontline of the battle against Ebola in Africa.

2015 may also reveal whether our foreign policy can be an instrument for the pursuit of peace abroad and prosperity at home.